By Banu Bargu

Starve and Immolate tells the tale of leftist political prisoners in Turkey who waged a dangerous fight opposed to the creation of excessive safeguard prisons by way of forging their lives into guns. Weaving jointly modern and important political idea with political ethnography, Banu Bargu analyzes the demise quickly fight as an exemplary notwithstanding no longer unheard of example of self-destructive practices which are a end result of, retort to, and refusal of the more and more biopolitical different types of sovereign strength deployed round the globe.

Bargu chronicles the studies, rituals, values, ideals, ideological self-representations, and contentions of the protestors who fought mobile confinement opposed to the history of the historical past of Turkish democracy and the therapy of dissent in a rustic the place prisons became websites of political disagreement. A serious reaction to Michel Foucault's self-discipline and Punish, Starve and Immolate facilities on new types of fight that come up from the uneven antagonism among the kingdom and its contestants within the modern criminal. Bargu eventually positions the weaponization of existence as a bleak, violent, and ambivalent type of rebel politics that seeks to wrench the facility of existence and loss of life clear of the fashionable country on corporeal grounds and in more and more theologized kinds. Drawing cognizance to the existential dedication, sacrificial morality, and militant martyrdom that transforms those struggles right into a advanced amalgam of resistance, Bargu explores the worldwide ramifications of human weapons' practices of resistance, their percentages and obstacles

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Starve and Immolate: The Politics of Human Weapons (New Directions in Critical Theory)

Starve and Immolate tells the tale of leftist political prisoners in Turkey who waged a dangerous fight opposed to the advent of excessive safety prisons via forging their lives into guns. Weaving jointly modern and significant political idea with political ethnography, Banu Bargu analyzes the demise quick fight as an exemplary notwithstanding no longer unheard of example of self-destructive practices which are a final result of, retort to, and refusal of the more and more biopolitical types of sovereign energy deployed all over the world.

Additional info for Starve and Immolate: The Politics of Human Weapons (New Directions in Critical Theory)

Sample text

M. ”81 The people have no more than “a single sentiment,” Jacques Necker wrote a few months before the Lit de Justice, in opposition to Turgot’s economic policies and to the prospect of universal enlightenment. 82 For Condorcet, by contrast, liberty and the security of property were of intense interest to the poor as well. “You exaggerate the stupidity of the people,” he wrote to Necker in 1775, in the assumed personality of a laborer from Picardy; the people, like everyone else, want property rights, justice, and personal security.

127 But the choice for the merchant, in general, was between different, more or less regulated markets, and between different, more or less “political” strategies for pursuing his interests. Even his interests were political as well as economic, and political influence was itself a form of consumption. As Condorcet wrote, arguing against the taxes on luxury consumption which Smith supported, “Instead of buying horses, people will buy hangers-on and positions; for expenditures on taste . . ”128 The idea of vexation, which was of such central importance to Smith’s, Turgot’s, and Condorcet’s descriptions of the sentiments of economic life, is similarly important to their theories of the state and of political oppression.

96 Condorcet and Smith have been seen, ever since, as the precursors in two great diachronic processions, trudging across the nineteenth century toward the universal state, or toward the desolation of market relations. It is these processions, as will be seen, which are so difficult to recognize in the economic thought of the 1770s and 1780s. For economic life is itself, in Condorcet’s and Smith’s descriptions, a place of warm and discursive emotions. 98 Interference with the freedom to buy and to sell and to work is for Smith a form of political oppression.

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