By William Chester Jordan

A story of 2 Monasteries takes an unheard of examine one of many nice rivalries of the center a while and gives it as a revealing lens during which to view the intertwined histories of medieval England and France. this is often the 1st ebook to systematically examine Westminster Abbey and the abbey of Saint-Denis--two of crucial ecclesiastical associations of the 13th century--and to take action during the lives and competing careers of the 2 males who governed them, Richard de Ware of Westminster and Mathieu de Vend?me of Saint-Denis.

Esteemed historian William Jordan weaves a panoramic narrative of the social, cultural, and political background of the interval. It was once an age of uprising and crusades, of creative and architectural innovation, of extraordinary political reform, and of annoying overseas diplomacy--and Richard and Mathieu, in a single approach or one other, performed very important roles in a majority of these advancements. Jordan lines their upward push from vague backgrounds to the top ranks of political authority, Abbot Richard changing into royal treasurer of britain, and Abbot Mathieu two times serving as a regent of France through the crusades. by means of permitting us to appreciate the complicated relationships the abbots and their rival associations shared with one another and with the kings and social networks that supported and exploited them, A story of 2 Monasteries paints a shiny portrait of medieval society and politics, and of the bold males who encouraged them so profoundly.

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42, 46, 60. 12 The most comprehensive history of the church until Suger’s death is Crosby’s Royal Abbey of Saint-Denis. 13 Panofsky, Abbot Suger, p. 36, for the classic formulation. 14 Nebbiai dalla Guarda, “Des rois et des moines,” p. 357. 28 CHAPTER II money and precious objects. From the thirteenth century onward the abbey also organized a spiritual confre´rie or confraternity of laypeople and ecclesiastics, who shared worship and prayers, and through whose connections the monks gained increased authority and greater ability to secure benefactions from the members’ kin.

Efforts to stave off a violent confrontation were unsuccessful. The French—regarding the rebellion, let alone the intervention of Henry III and a few other barons, as nothing less than an attempt to unwrite the triumphant history of the last forty years—sent an army as numerous as the locusts of the air and led by Louis IX himself to overwhelm the enemy. It did so in a brilliant series of campaigns in the early summer of 1242 that not only humiliated the opposition militarily (chivalrous though the French forces were in allowing them honorable withdrawal), but also scared many as yet wavering barons into maintaining their neutrality or even supporting the Capetians.

Poitou’s transfer was different—and potentially so would be that of Anjou and Maine—for the barons of these counties had not necessarily shed their loyalty to the Plantagenets who still claimed overlordship. Even if loyalty was fairly weak toward the former rulers, as it most probably was, local barons also had personal grievances against the Capetians. The 66 Mercuri, “Stat inter spinas lilium,” pp. 497–512. Le Goff, Saint Louis, pp. 146–48. 68 Jordan, “Marian Devotion and the Talmud Trial,” pp.

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