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Additional resources for A People and a Nation: A History of the United States, Volume II: Since 1865
In the black codes and in private attitudes, many whites stubbornly opposed emancipation, and the former planter class proved especially unbending because of their tremendous ﬁnancial loss in slaves. In 1866 a Georgia newspaper frankly observed that “most of the white citizens believe that the institution of slavery was right, and . . ” And for many poor whites who had never owned slaves and yet had sacriﬁced enormously in the war, destitution, plummeting agricultural prices, disease, and the uncertainties of a growing urban industrialization, drove them off land, toward cities, and into hatred of the very idea of black equality.
As many poor whites and blacks found farming less tenable, they moved to cities and new mill towns. Industrialization did not sweep the South as it did the North, but it certainly laid deep roots. Attracting textile mills to southern towns became a competitive crusade. ” In 1860 the South counted some 10,000 mill workers; by 1880, the number grew to 16,741 and by the end of the century, to 97,559. In thousands of human dramas, poor southerners began the multigenerational journey from farmer to mill worker and other forms of low-income urban wage earner.
Everywhere, blacks young and old thirsted for homes of their own. But most members of both political parties opposed genuine land redistribution to the freedmen. Even northern reformers who had administered the Sea Islands during the war showed little sympathy for black aspirations. The former Sea Island slaves wanted to establish small, self-sufﬁcient farms. Northern soldiers, ofﬁcials, and missionaries of both races brought education and aid to the freedmen but also insisted that they grow cotton.